referred to during the height of the struggle, made a very significant impact on Liberian history, according to some ordinary Liberians, political and media analysts.  

Baccus Matthews emerged on Liberia’s political landscape just in time as many Liberians posit at then. He was the messiah, the courageous young Liberian, who returned to his mother land after study in the US to promote democracy as enshrined in the Liberian Constitution.  Baccus Matthews was embarking on the journey his predecessors had started long before he was born. The journey to explicitly execute the Liberian Constitution was cut off by past regimes, using repressive methods thereby cowering reformists from within the ruling class and intelligentsia of Liberia’s sixteen major tribes. PAL overshadowed the presence of the Movement for Justice of Africa (MOJA) of Togbah Nah-Tipoteh, H. Boima Fanbulleh, Amos Sawyer, and others.   

Running Africa’ senior staff writer, Thomas Kai Toteh revisits the streets of Monrovia in 1979 and 1980 

Unlike his predecessors who tried not to apply extremism in their approach for political reforms, Matthews and his fellow progressives stormed Liberia under the banner of the Progressive Alliance of Liberia (PAL) aimed at pushing for radical changes.  PAL was well received in Liberia, especially in the nation’s capital. For the first time in Liberia, people gathered on street corners, in the market places, school and university campuses to discuss politics, though under careful watchful eyes of PAL’s counter-government security agents.  

Anti-government sentiments grew on a daily basis as students used half of their class time to discuss politics. Market women gathered in groups of twos, threes, and fours to become part of PAL’s demands for change. Government workers took longer breaks to get the latest news from PAL’s Headquarters located in the slum of Gurley Street.

Bus and cab drivers would not take a cop on board so he would not be a hindrance to their information from passengers about current news from PAL.  

Soldiers of the Armed Forces of Liberia based at the Barclay Training Center (BTC) in Monrovia made the Gurley Street route as their short cut to base every morning and evening to and after assignments. The tight and makeshift PAL’s Headquarters was swelling on a daily basis. Almost every so-called native including teenaged became a full-fledged PAL Member as she readied to go for the political party title, Progressive People Party (PPP). News of PAL spread like a wild fire throughout the country.  

The motto: In the Cause of the People the Struggle Continues was a household phrase and daily recitation on street corners and school campuses and in market places. The rolled-up shirt sleeves above the elbow became a common dressed code among ordinary Liberians.   “In the cause of the people the Struggle Continues” Reverberated from every corner in Monrovia and major cities in Liberia, with the fists punching in the air.  

The standard bearer of the True Whig Party, who many referred to later as a sacrificial lamb, late William R. Tolbert, Jr., was mandated by the party to be vigilante. Security was put on high alert. Government officials were losing respects and glories among the governed. Progressive Alliance of Liberia was mounting pressures on True Whig Party for registration of the Progressive People Party (PPP).  Some members of the Armed Forces of Liberia became members of Progressive Alliance of Liberia. The police dominantly was loyal to the government.

The masses, as the people were referred to by PAL’s progressives, became bitter antagonists of the Liberian National Police (LNP). The Task Force or otherwise referred to as “Red hat” was the worst enemy of the masses as they continuously dispersed what government called hostile and subversive gatherings.  

Progressive Alliance of Liberia and proposed Progressive People Party went on rampage.  

In the process of seeking registration and recognition as a political party, leaders of PAL and PPP called for the decrement in the price of US parboiled rice in the country. The Liberian government faced many challenges from people desperate for multi-party democracy, equality, and now rice price became another major issue on the president’s desk.   

Nervous of the growing tension in Monrovia, late Tolbert pleaded with the people through PAL and PPP on national Radio and television to exercise restraint as government look into the rice issue.  But leaders of PAL and PPP would not compromise as they won the masses’ favor in their quest for state power.  

Tension was brewing and the capital was fearful. Rumors of peaceful demonstration filled the air every day. Constant Task Force patrols took effect in suspected trouble  areas including New Kru Town, West Point, Gurley Street, Logan Town, Center Street, Capitol By-Pass, Bishop Brooks, commonly referred to as Down the Hole, Duala, Seyon Town and among others.  Finally, it was reported that PAL and Progressive People Party had mustered their supporters to stage a peaceful demonstration on April 14, 1979 in Monrovia to protest the increase in rice price.  

The government, through the Justice Ministry, being mindful of the unpredictable outcome and motive of PAL and its members, declared the demonstration unauthorized and banned any other forms of demonstration in the capital. But PAL and PPP remained defiant, given its immense backing from the masses. Despite deployment of police around the capital, PPP and PAL’s supporters and concerned Liberians, and criminals stormed the streets in a disarray fashion, although leaders of PAL told government and the people of Liberia it was a peaceful demonstration.  

But it turned out deadly and Liberians witnessed the first major hooliganism and breakdown of order as police clashed with demonstrators and soldiers and police clashed in various areas around the capital. Government and PAL accused each other for provoking the violent outcome of the march. Liberians also witnessed for the first time, acts of vandalism when demonstrators, soldiers and police broke into stores and looted assorted items and cash. The cloud was dark and the earth was red in Monrovia.   

Guinean government sent troops to help Liberian government quell the uprising and protect the late president from his military that was more loyal to the cause of the People. PAL and PPP’s campaign took different turn as the leaders were sought by police on the orders of the Justice Minister on charges of conspiracy and vandalism. Matthews and his followers went into hiding and turn themselves in to the government through Liberia’s Archbishop. They were briefly detained and released after charges were dropped in the spirit of reconciliation.  

In 1980 proposed Progressive People Party, emboldened by a court decision to recognize it as an opposition party, openly called for Tolbert’s overthrow. In every street corner was echoed “Tolbert must resign, Tolbert must resign.”  Businesses, schools, and offices were usually disrupted by PPP/PAL propaganda elements that spread rumors of violent demonstration. Teachers, government workers, and other professionals were in engaged in political sabotage of True Whig party government.  

The gap between so-called Americo-Liberians-Congo people and so-called natives or country people was very visible than ever. Congo people, native people, Americo-Liberians, Congo people, country boys, and country people made the innocent babies sick and went back to their unknown world where they believe was safer.    

“Tolbert must come down; Tolbert must resign; no more “monkey works baboon draw.” Their leader, Gabriel B. Matthews, and a dozen others were arrested in March 1980.

On 12 April 1980, a bloody coup was staged by army personnel under the leadership of Master Sergeant Samuel K. Doe. Doe's forces executed President William R. Tolbert. More than a dozen officials of the previous regime, mostly of Americo-Liberian descent, were publicly executed. A People's Redemption Council (PRC), headed by Doe, subsequently suspended the constitution and assumed full legislative and executive powers.  

Americo-Liberian political domination ended with the formation of the People's Redemption Council. Master Sergeant Samuel K. Doe was an indigenous Liberian from the Krahn ethnic group. The top coup leaders were Master Sergeant Samuel K. Doe, who was announced head of State; Sergeant Thomas Weh-Syen, Vice Head of State; and Sergeant Thomas Quiwonkpa, "Strongman of the Revolution" as Commanding General of the Armed Forces of Liberia.  

The coup leaders were flanked by progressives of MOJA and PAL at the Executive Mansion as Sergeant Doe delivered his first post coup speech in a tremble voice, accusing True Whig Party regime of rampant corruption, misuse of public offices among others, “In the cause of the people the struggle continues.” 

Liberian National Anthem was greeted by jubilation in Monrovia and the entire country.  Palm branches made Saturday morning splendid and colorful as native women sang, “native woman born soldier, Congo woman born dog,” in the streets of Monrovia.      

An elderly man, late Seyon Roberts, in an adverse way said PPP/PAL’s motto after the coup, “In the cause of the people the Trouble continues.” And truly the trouble continued when Baccus Matthews’s UPP was banned before the elections. He and other opposition members were rounded up after the Moses Flanzamiton’s fake coup in 1984.   

Political parties remained banned until 1984. Elections were held on 15 October 1985, in which Doe's National Democratic Party of Liberia (NDPL) was declared winner. The elections were characterized by widespread fraud and rigging. The period after the elections saw increased human rights abuses, corruption, and ethnic tensions.  

Samuel Doe tainted Matthews’s popularity when he assumed power in rigged elections. Samuel Doe’s repressive regime was later blamed on Movement for Justice in Africa (MOJA), Progressive People Party and Progressive Alliance of Liberia. Up to the time Charles Taylor launched his rebellion in 1989, G. Baccus was considered as a trouble maker in Liberia. Some critics called him political butterfly, opportunist, and all sorts of negative adjectives were added before his name.  

Up to the time of his death, he never recovered from political miseries that came upon him from late Doe and Charles Taylor. Yet some Liberians refer to him as the father of multi-party democracy in Liberia.